Wednesday, November 19, 2008

Two tensions in modern American sport 

1) Athletics vs. academics on campus

The allocation of time spent by student-athletes between sport and study is a long running source of tension on America's campuses. This rather lengthy piece at USAToday focuses on a University of Minnesota task force that dealt with the issue. It should be clear that a school has a problem when degree programs are established or designed for the purpose of athletes (using funds meant for general education), although the article doesn't quite get to that point. Support programs which allow student athletes to compete with their peers in the classroom -- but not cheat, which was an issue at Minnesota -- are the right way to enable students to excel both off and on the field. I find the approach of the Minnesota wrestling coach on this point (to paraphrase, athletes can get an MA later if they are interested in a real degree) somewhat annoying.

Update: Via Glenn in the comments, I see that the story linked above is part of a spread at USAToday. The lead story is "Athletes guided toward 'beating the system'." Glenn points to a particularly interesting graphic, "Same team, same major." The graphic itself is a bit kludgy to use, but the data can be seen in Table form by clicking the "View List" button on the right. You can narrow the list by clicking on your favorite school and or sport in the "Show Results By" box. For Clemson Football, the major is "Parks, Recreation, and Tourism." But note that the stats are for teams with 25% or more of the athletes in the same major, and the figure for Clemson Football is 11 out of 33 players. Some sports have most of the team included, but for football the figures are uniformly low for most schools. The highest number of players listed in football is 59 at the Naval Academy, where 20 are majoring in ................. (drum roll) ................. Economics!


2) Retired vs. current NFL players

I missed this when it came out, but in case you haven't seen it, here is a snip from Alan Schwarz' report on a class action lawsuit between retirees and the Players Association:
Ending the three-week trial in United States District Court, the jury on Monday found that the union’s licensing subsidiary, Players Inc., had used the identities of thousands of retired players without compensating them. A key example was the union’s agreement with EA Sports, which generates at least $25 million a year for the use of player identities in the popular Madden video game series.

The majority of sports licensing revenue derives from the use of active players. The Madden game features more than 100 past teams, like the 1966 Green Bay Packers, and players on those teams argued that although their names and pictures had not been included, many of their individual characteristics — talent level, experience, height and so on — were. The players argued that the group licensing agreement they had signed with Players Inc. required that revenue from such deals be shared with them.

Herb Adderley, who played cornerback on the 1966 Packers, was the name plaintiff for the class that filed suit.

“They betrayed us,” Adderley said of the union in a telephone interview. “We put our trust and faith in them, and they betrayed us.”
Here is Schwarz' story in the NY Times, and here is a transcript of the closing arguments. Apparently, the NFLPA took an active role in "anonymizing" the former players in the Madden video game. It's not clear to me why this would be in the interest of EA Sports. If I were to "re-play" the Ice Bowl on Madden NFL, I'd want Herb Adderly, Don Meredith, Bart Starr et al. to be an explicit part of the experience. It is possible that "likenesses" for well known players and explicit anonymity for all was the optimal solution for EA Sports, but that doesn't negate the right to licensing revenue for the people who took part in the original performance.

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Wednesday, October 15, 2008

NCAA graduation rates 

An NCAA report proclaims that graduation rates of student athletes are at their highest ever. I certainly join in the applause for any improvement in the academic performance of student athletes. In conjunction with this report, the organization is releasing its own graduation statistic, the "Graduation Success Rate." This measure is higher than the graduation rate measured by the Federal government. Schools don't like the latter, in part because if fails to track transfers (are athletes more or less likely to transfer? I would think eligibility rules would make them less likely to transfer.) But they like the GSR measure for another reason, since they are allowed to "subtract student-athletes who leave their institutions prior to graduation as long as they would have been academically eligible to compete had they remained."

Comparing the GSR to the Federal measure indicates that - spin games aside - they are measuring pretty much the phenomenon. Here are the data, as reported by Inside Higher Ed:



Sport

Grad Success Rate

Federal Rate

Baseball

68%

47%

Basketball (Men’s)

62%

46%

Basketball (Women’s)

82%

64%

Bowling (Women’s)

68%

57%

CC/Track (Men’s)

74%

60%

CC/Track (Women’s)

84%

70%

Crew/Rowing (Women’s)

91%

75%

Fencing (Men’s)

86%

78%

Fencing (Women’s)

90%

81%

Field Hockey

94%

81%

Football — Bowl Subdivision

67%

55%

Football — Championship Subdivision

65%

54%

Golf (Men’s)

79%

61%

Golf (Women’s)

87%

71%

Gymnastics (Men’s)

86%

70%

Gymnastics (Women’s)

95%

85%

Ice Hockey (Men’s)

83%

64%

Ice Hockey (Women’s)

90%

74%

Lacrosse (Men’s)

88%

74%

Lacrosse (Women’s)

94%

84%

Rifle (Men’s)

80%

60%

Rifle (Women’s)

82%

64%

Skiing (Men’s)

82%

73%

Skiing (Women’s)

96%

73%

Soccer (Men’s)

79%

58%

Soccer (Women’s)

89%

71%

Softball

86%

70%

Swimming (Men’s)

83%

69%

Swimming (Women’s)

90%

75%

Tennis (Men’s)

83%

64%

Tennis (Women’s)

89%

70%

Volleyball (Men’s)

83%

69%

Volleyball (Women’s)

88%

71%

Water Polo (Men’s)

87%

71%

Water Polo (Women’s)

86%

76%

Wrestling

72%

54%



The GSR averages 15% higher than the Federal measure. Neverthless, at .92, the correlation between the two figures is quite high.

One notices immediately that for the same sport, the graduation rate for women is consistently higher than that for men. This is true for both measures: the average differential is 8% using both the GSR and the Federal measure. Only in the case of the GSR for water polo do women graduate at a lower rate than men. The female-male gap is smallest for fencing and rifle shooting, sports with little or no professional market, and volleyball, in which the market opportunities are more similar than most sports. This lends some credence to the idea that the low graduation rates for baseball, basketball, and football are driven in part by professional opportunities and not just the dumb jock syndrome, a tag that the NCAA is clearly trying to avoid. Perhaps reporting the GSR will help puncture this myth, but as long as the drive to win in the major sports remains strong, the incentive to cut corners with marginally qualified students will remain intact.

As an aside, for anyone interested in studying these data, this NCAA website has loads of it (including that from the Feds). Although the NCAA may be deploying a bit of puffery with the GSR, they should get some credit for making this data easily accessible.

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Thursday, October 09, 2008

College football and academic reputation 

The chancellor's decision at UNC Charlotte to compete on the college football field has generated some local controversy. Is the expense and institutional effort involved in starting up a football program consistent with fulfilling the educational mission of the institution? Here are two views from North Carolina's Pope Center for Higher Education. Both are worth reading in their entirety.

First, Jane Shaw writes a "qualified defense" of football at UNCC:
Schools that have been around for many years (especially the Ivies, which are centuries old) are well ahead in the reputation game. Because of the difficulty of measuring quality and because reputations are entrenched by time, those reputations are extremely durable, even if they are based on inaccurate information. Upstarts are always trying to catch up.

To break into the circle of eminent institutions, a school must triumph in a mysterious competition that involves the opinions of peers (who funnel their views into the U.S. News rankings), national publicity, and evidence of having money (whether from an endowment or state coffers).

So, will a football team contribute to the process of building UNC-Charlotte’s reputation, bringing it up from the also-ran level where it appears to be now? Given enough time—and [Chancellor] Dubois is planning for the next 25 years, not the next five—Dubois bets that it will.

In fact, Dubois not only argues that it will improve UNC-Charlotte’s reputation, he specifically stated that a football team will boost the academic reputation of UNC-Charlotte.

“Within North Carolina, does anyone doubt that the excellent institutional and academic reputations enjoyed by Chapel Hill, N.C. State, Wake Forest, and Duke have been strengthened by the prestige of their athletic programs?” he asked. He even cited research by two Charlotte faculty members confirming that a strong football program provides “measurable benefits to the academic reputation of a participating university.”

Odd as this seems, it is not entirely unrealistic. As long as we don’t know what actual education is going on (and even research is difficult to evaluate), then academic reputation depends on this smoke-and-mirrors competition that could be influenced by almost anything.
Here's the view of George Leef:
All the substance of cotton candy

Instead of trying to feed the sparrows of academic reputation through the horses of intercollegiate football, why not spend resources on programs that have a direct bearing on teaching and scholarship? With but a small fraction of what it would cost to compete in football, the school could establish several academic centers such as the James Madison Program and the Alexander Hamilton Institute. Initiatives like that would enhance the atmosphere of scholarship and debate at UNCC. That would do much more do make people think positively about the school as an educational institution than would a costly foray into entertainment.
My take is that if they didn't play football, colleges would be competing for reputation through orchestras, operas, etc., and the market void would be filled by minor league teams. I don't much like opera, and prefer college sports to the minor league form in the U.S., where even AA baseball teams threaten to pack up and leave town in search of a stadium subsidy.

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Monday, March 24, 2008

Eight per cent 

The latest estimate of the applications bump from winning the national title in college football or (men's) basketball is 8 per cent. A top twenty-type finish is worth 2 to 3 per cent. The systematic analysis is in a paper by Devin Pope and Jaren Pope, forthcoming in the Southern Economic Journal.

I always find the anecdotal cases in this subject area informative (I last blogged about this with regard to Rutgers football). This is from the AP story on the paper by Dena Potter, "Schools Score Big When Sports Teams Win:"
For George Mason University, just outside Washington, the positive effects of its unlikely Final Four appearance two years ago were wide-reaching.

In addition to increases in fundraising, attendance at games and other benefits, freshman applications increased 22 percent the year after the team made its magical run. The percentage of out-of-state freshmen jumped from 17 percent to 25 percent, and admissions inquiries rose 350 percent, said Robert Baker, director of George Mason's Center for Sport Management who conducted a study called "The Business of Being Cinderella."

Baker also found that SAT scores went up by 25 points in the freshman class, and retention rates as freshmen moved into their sophomore year increased more than 2 percentage points.

"You will certainly have critics who say it would have happened anyway, but I think the general consensus is that it happened faster because of this and that it allowed this university to reach new heights more quickly," Baker said.

Gonzaga was virtually unknown in most parts of the country until it broke into the national tournament in the mid-'90s. The Zags have been in the tournament every year since 1999, and during that time enrollment has grown from just over 4,500 to nearly 7,000, said Dale Goodwin, a university spokesman.

Inquiries have jumped from about 20,000 per year to 50,000, and the Spokane, Wash., school attracts students from eastern states where it doesn't recruit.

"There's no other way they would have heard about Gonzaga," Goodwin said.

The study found that private schools saw even larger increases than public universities.
Potter wrongly states that the evidence was "mostly anecdotal" prior to Pope and Pope, who make no such claim, but that's par for the course I guess. Potter is right to emphasize that the applications boost is temporary (absent any additional investment to capitalize on the increased awareness). Once on the NCAA treadmill, always on the treadmill. Unless you are Chicago.

For the record, here is the abstract from Pope and Pope's paper:
Many analysts question the role of college sports within higher education. However, one hypothesized benefit of high-profile college sports is that they can influence college choice decisions. Empirical studies that have analyzed the impact of a school’s athletic success on the quantity of student applications and the average quality of those students have produced mixed results. This study uses two unique datasets to shed additional light on the indirect benefits that sports success provides to NCAA Division I schools. Key findings include: (i) football and basketball success significantly increase the quantity of applications to a school, with estimates ranging from 2-8% for the top 20 football schools and the top 16 basketball schools each year; (ii) the extra applications received are composed of both low and high SAT scoring students, thus providing potential for schools to improve their admission outcomes, and (iii) schools exploit these increases in applications by increasing both the number and the quality of incoming students.
Update: The link to the Pope and Pope paper has been changed to a more recent version.

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Thursday, October 18, 2007

Why Study Sports Economics? 

I am a bit late to the party on this. About two weeks ago, Justin Wolfers wrote his thoughts on why people study sports economics. Summarizing Wolfers' key points:

  1. Sports provide unique opportunities to test economic theories.
  2. Sports shapes broader national debates.
  3. Professional sports are an important part of the economy.
  4. Sports participation is an important activity.
  5. Sports provides a useful teaching metaphor.
  6. Doing research on sports is fun.

JC Bradbury at Sabernomics adds one of the primary reasons to study sports:

I agree with all of these, but I think he is missing one. Sports markets are themselves unique and interesting. For example, Simon Rottenberg’s curiosity about baseball’s reserve clause—how it affected the allocation of talent across a league—led him to discover (nearly) the Coase Theorem before Ronald Coase. Mohamed El-Hodiri and James Quirk were the first model the unique structure economic structure of sports leagues, which I think economists still do not fully understand. (There are other examples, but I am on my way to a meeting.)

Add to that Walter Neale's 1964 QJE paper on the "peculiar" economics of sports. Neale noted that the best position for a typical firm to have is monopoly. In sports, a monopoly spells disaster (who will you play????). That peculiarity is interesting to think about and study.

Sports leagues are interesting per-se because they are, essentially, cooperative arrangements that blend single-entity styled cooperation with cartel-styled cooperation with a dash of economies-of-scale cooperation (for example, having the league handle team websites, as in MLB, to standardize their development and to avoid duplicating costs). These cooperative arrangements are also interesting to think about and study.

The labor market for talent is also interesting. Modeling the market as a competitive labor market gives us some insights on wages using a simple and familiar model, but it has its shortcomings. One of the shortcomings deals with the question of "does all the available talent play in the league?" In leagues such as the Bundseliga or the English Premier League, as I understand them, a lot of top-notch talent plays in other national leagues throughout the world. In that sport's labor market, there are many teams competing for that talent and there are many top-notch players, so the competitive market model is at least a plausible way to think about labor market for soccer.

But what of leagues like the NFL? There are no other similar leagues anywhere in the world that play this game at this level. It is accurate to assume that all the best available football talent plays in the NFL and if a team wants to sign additional players, it must lure them from other teams in the league. That raises some interesting questions on competitive balance, among other issues.

So why study sports? Wolfers makes valid and useful points, but his list is incomplete. Many of us study sports because they are simply interesting.

Dave Berri has some thoughts here.

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